John Henry Newman

http://id.loc.gov/authorities/names/n78095501

Newman, John Henry (1801–1890), theologian and cardinal, was born on 21 February 1801 at 80 Old Broad Street in the City of London. His father, John Newman (d. 1824), was a banker, the son of a London grocer, who originally came from Cambridgeshire. His mother, Jemima (d. 1836), was the daughter of Henry Fourdrinier, a paper maker, whose family were originally French Huguenot refugees, and the sister of Henry Fourdrinier (1766–1854). They had married in 1799 and John Henry was their first child of six. Francis William Newman (1805–1897) was one of his brothers.

Formative years

In 1803 the family moved to 17 Southampton Street (later Southampton Place), Bloomsbury. They were sufficiently well off to own another Georgian house, in the country—Grey Court House near Ham Common, Surrey. In 1808 Newman was sent to Ealing School, a well-known private boarding-school. Saved from the ordeals of a public school—he managed later to avoid being sent to Winchester—he enjoyed school life. Apart from his academic studies (in which he excelled) and games (in which he had no interest), he acted in Latin plays, played the violin, won prizes for speeches, and edited periodicals, in which he wrote articles in the style of Addison. This happy childhood came to an abrupt end in March 1816 when the financial collapse after the Napoleonic wars forced his father's bank to close. While his father tried unsuccessfully to manage a brewery at Alton, Hampshire, Newman stayed on at school through the summer holidays because of the family crisis.

The period from the beginning of August to 21 December 1816, when the next term ended, Newman always regarded as the turning point of his life. Alone at school and shocked by the family disaster, he fell ill in August. Later he came to see it as one of the three great providential illnesses of his life, for it was in the autumn of 1816 that he underwent a religious conversion under the influence of one of the schoolmasters, the Revd Walter Mayers, who had himself shortly before been converted to a Calvinistic form of evangelicalism. Newman had had a conventional upbringing in an ordinary Church of England home, where the emphasis was on the Bible rather than dogmas or sacraments, and where any sort of evangelical ‘enthusiasm’ would have been frowned upon. In fact, his conversion lacked the kind of emotional upheaval associated with evangelicalism, although the theology he learned from Mayers and the books Mayers lent him were certainly Calvinistic: he believed he was ‘elected to eternal glory’ (Newman, Apologia, 17). However, it was not the Calvinism (which he was to abandon) that was important, but the fact that the dogmas of Christianity, particularly the Trinity, now became real to him in a way that they had not been before. Of the evangelical authors recommended by Mayers, the most important was the biblical commentator Thomas Scott, whose autobiography, The Force of Truth (1779), recounted his conversion from Unitarianism to Trinitarian Christianity. The other critical influence was Joseph Milner's History of the Church of Christ (1794–1809), which contained long extracts from the church fathers; Newman was thrilled by the picture they presented of the early church. At the same time, however, he read Thomas Newton's Dissertation on the Prophecies (1754–8), a book that convinced him that the pope must be the Antichrist predicted in scripture. On the personal level, the effect of his conversion was that he felt that God was calling him to the kind of sacrificial service, such as missionary work, that would involve celibacy: ‘it would be the will of God that I should lead a single life’ (Newman, Apologia, 20).

In 1817 Newman entered Trinity College, Oxford, when he was still only sixteen. In May 1818 he won a college scholarship. His first published writing was an anti-Catholic verse romance, St Bartholomew's Eve (1818), which he wrote with his close college friend John William Bowden. His final examinations in 1820 were an unexpected disaster, failing as he did altogether in mathematics and achieving only a fourth (the lowest class) in classics. He had been expected to get a double first but he was exhausted through overwork. Since his scholarship was for nine years, he was able to return to Oxford, and on 12 April 1822 he was elected to a fellowship by examination at Oriel, a college which prided itself on its ability to discern academic potential.

Fellow of Oriel

Newman's evangelical views soon began to be undermined by the liberal atmosphere of the Oriel common room, which was famous for its Noetics such as Thomas Arnold who believed in the primacy of reason in theology. Among them was Richard Whately, whose famous Elements of Logic (1826) Newman helped to compose, and whose importance in teaching him to think for himself Newman later recognized. However, he was still sufficiently under the influence of Mayers to decide to take holy orders while still teaching, and in 1824 he was ordained deacon (and a year later priest) and appointed curate at St Clement's, a working-class parish in east Oxford. Throwing himself energetically into pastoral work, he came to believe that the standard evangelical distinction between ‘nominal’ and ‘real’ Christians did not work in practice. This realization seemed to be supported by the fact that St Paul had not divided Christians into the converted and the unconverted, an observation Newman owed to another of the Noetics, Edward Hawkins, who stressed that tradition was needed as well as scripture. He also began to abandon the doctrine of imputed righteousness in favour of that of baptismal regeneration, the rejection of which was seen as marking out the true evangelical.

Whately was responsible for Newman's first serious publication, an article in 1824 for the Encyclopaedia metropolitana on Cicero, who clearly influenced Newman's rhetorical style as a controversialist. A further two articles in the Encyclopaedia, on Apollonius of Tyana and miracles in the Bible, followed in 1826. In spite of the shyness that affected him all his life, Newman had begun to come out of his shell at Oriel. In 1825 Whately became principal of the tiny, run-down Alban Hall and invited Newman to become vice-principal. One important result of this close collaboration was Whately's impressing on Newman's mind the idea of the church as a divine body separate from the state. But in 1826 he resigned both this post and his curacy on being appointed a tutor at Oriel.

Newman later wrote that the influences leading him in a religiously liberal direction were abruptly checked by his suffering first, at the end of 1827, a kind of nervous collapse brought on by overwork and family financial troubles, and then, at the beginning of 1828, the bereavement of his beloved youngest sister, Mary, who died suddenly. There was also a crucial theological factor: his fascination since 1816 with the fathers of the church, whose works he began to read systematically in the long vacation of 1828.

Ironically, but not altogether surprisingly, Newman had supported his mentor, Edward Hawkins, in his successful candidature for the vacant Oriel provostship at the beginning of 1828 against the high-church John Keble, whom he hardly knew. One consequence was that Newman now succeeded Hawkins as vicar of the university church of St Mary's. At first Hawkins supported Newman in his role as a reforming tutor, determined to raise both the religious tone of the college and also its academic standards. But the volte-face by the Tory government in granting Catholic emancipation in 1829 led to a sharp division between Hawkins, who supported this liberal measure and therefore the re-election of Sir Robert Peel as MP for the Anglican university, and Newman, who was part of the successful opposition to what was seen as treachery on the part of the political party of the established church. The Peel affair coincided with a new tutorial system drawn up by Newman with the collaboration of his colleagues Richard Hurrell Froude and Robert Isaac Wilberforce. Its purpose was to strengthen the academic and pastoral relationship between the undergraduate and his individual tutor. But Hawkins strongly disapproved of the attempt to change the role of the tutor from that of a lecturer with responsibility for discipline to that of a personal moral tutor, and in 1830 informed Newman that no further students would be sent to him.

Freedom from teaching duties meant that Newman had no difficulty in accepting a commission in 1831 to write a history of church councils. Instead, he ended up by writing The Arians of the Fourth Century (1833). As a work of historical theology, it reflects Newman's own reaction against the religious liberalism of the day. But while insisting on the necessity of dogmatic formulations, Newman was also careful to acknowledge the inadequacy of human language to express the mysteries of faith—an awareness which stemmed from his discovery of the early church's principle of ‘economy’, which also had a practical application in the way in which Christianity was taught. This economical method of imparting truths was connected with the primitive practice of ‘reserve’, which, Newman pointed out, was the reverse of the current evangelical preaching of the atonement to arouse feelings that would lead to conversion. This reticence in the face of transcendent mystery was to become a hallmark of Tractarianism.

On 8 December 1832 Newman set sail from Falmouth for the Mediterranean with Richard Hurrell Froude, who was going abroad for his health, and his father. Because of an outbreak of cholera, the first place they were able to visit properly was Corfu, where Newman tried to find out what he could about the Orthodox church. He was disconcerted to find how like the Roman Catholic church it was in its veneration of Mary and the saints and its liturgical ceremonies. Even more disconcerting was Rome, where they arrived in March 1833: here was the ‘eternal’ city of the apostles, martyrs, and saints, from where the gospel had come to England; but this same city which so impressed and moved Newman, and where there seemed so much to admire in the devotions and piety of the people, was also, so he still believed, the city of a corrupt and superstitious religion. All this time his thoughts were never far from home, where the Reform Bill, which threatened the position of the established church, had been passed in 1832, and where the Irish Church Reform Bill, which threatened to suppress ten sees of the church in Ireland, was before parliament. In March he sent off the first poems he and Froude were writing for a regular verse section, to be called (and in 1836 published as) ‘Lyra apostolica’, in the British Magazine, a review recently started by Hugh James Rose, a Cambridge high-churchman, in defence of the church.

Instead of accompanying the Froudes home in April, Newman decided to revisit Sicily, where he fell seriously ill of gastric or typhoid fever. Many were dying from the epidemic, but Newman was confident that he would live: ‘God has still work for me to do’ (Newman, Autobiographical Writings, 127). When he came later to write a graphic account of his fever, he looked back on it as the third of the three pivotal illnesses in these formative years. On his way home, while at sea, he wrote ‘Lead, kindly light’, which, with its mood of thanksgiving and trust, has become a famous hymn. He arrived back in Oxford on 9 July 1833. Five days later Keble preached the assize sermon from the pulpit of the university church, published as National Apostasy, protesting against state interference in the Church of England. Newman always regarded that day as the beginning of the Oxford or Tractarian Movement.

The Tracts

If the ‘Lyra apostolica’, which began appearing in June 1833, were the first literary productions of the Oxford Movement, the next were a series of papers by Newman, later published as The Church of the Fathers (1840), which he began sending in August 1833 to the British Magazine. The first, which appeared in October 1833, pointed out that the early Christian church had depended not on the state but on the people. It was preceded by the publication on 9 September 1833 of Tract 1 (Ad clerum) of the Tracts for the Times, which was on the doctrine of the apostolic succession and was anonymously written by Newman. The Tracts were his idea, and he insisted on publishing them himself rather than allowing a board to authorize and supervise their publication, since ‘living movements do not come of committees’ (Newman, Apologia, 39). Indeed, Newman was against any kind of formal association to organize the movement, because it would involve compromises and inhibit individual action, preferring to build up a network of personal contacts among sympathizers throughout the country, particularly through the circulation of the Tracts. These soon aroused furious controversy, were increasingly in demand, and began to attract new writers, including the regius professor of Hebrew, Edward Bouverie Pusey. Accusations of exaggeration and extremism did not surprise Newman: an element of excess, he thought, was an inevitable part of fighting for a true cause, in this case the protection of the church against state encroachment and the preservation of the apostolic faith against such liberal plans of reform as Thomas Arnold's proposal to make the Church of England more doctrinally comprehensive in order to avert the threat of disestablishment.

In March 1834 the first volume of Newman's Parochial Sermons was published (the whole series appeared from 1834 to 1842, reprinted in 1868 as the first six volumes of Parochial and Plain Sermons). As well as being one of the great classics of Christian spirituality, the pastoral sermons he preached in St Mary's were almost as central to the Oxford Movement as the Tracts. Unlike the latter, they deliberately avoided controversial issues, although the theology that underlay Newman's preaching was clearly influenced by his reading of the Greek fathers, as can be seen in the emphasis on the incarnation and the resurrection, the indwelling of the Holy Spirit and the sacraments, and the sense of the mystery of the Christian revelation. However, the profound influence they exerted at the time lay in their call to holiness, a call which could not be dissociated from the charisma of the preacher himself, who avoided all the usual oratorical devices of the pulpit but whose rapt intensity and low, soft, but strangely thrilling voice left unforgettable memories with many of his listeners. J. C. Shairp recalled: ‘He laid his finger—how gently, yet how powerfully!—on some inner place in the hearer's heart, and told him things about himself he had never known till then’ (J. C. Shairp, Studies in Poetry and Philosophy, 1868, 248).

The via media

The most obvious criticism of the Tracts was that they were undermining the protestant character of the Church of England. In answer, Newman wrote two Tracts in 1834 to the effect that the English church was ‘reformed’ but also Catholic, occupying a via media or middle position between protestantism and Roman Catholicism. He welcomed, therefore, the chance to develop this view of the Anglican via media in October, when he was asked by one of the contributors to the Tracts to take over a theological debate he was having with a French priest called Jean-Nicolas Jager in the pages of L'Univers newspaper. Newman sent one lengthy letter translated into French before Christmas and the first part of a second letter in July 1835, but the controversy came to an end and the second part was never published. However, Newman was able to make use of the correspondence when he came to formulate his statement of the Anglican via media in the Lectures on the prophetical office of the church, viewed relatively to Romanism and popular protestantism (1837), which were delivered in 1836 in St Mary's. While admitting that Anglo-Catholicism was as yet more of an unrealized theory than a reality, he argued that it approximated far more closely to primitive Christianity than either protestantism, which neglected the church referred to in the creed, or Roman Catholicism, which substituted the authority of the church for that of the testimony of antiquity.

Concerned as he was with the urgent need to show that Tractarianism was not the same as Roman Catholicism, Newman also continued to battle against theological liberalism. In 1835 he published Tract 73, later republished as On the Introduction of Rationalistic Principles into Revealed Religion. He blamed evangelicalism for the subjectivity of modern religion, and explained Schleiermacher's theology as an attempt to justify intellectually a religion of feelings. He dated the beginning of open hostility between the Tractarians and the liberals to a sharp exchange he had with R. D. Hampden at the end of 1834 over an (unsuccessful) bill to remove the obligation to subscribe to the Thirty-Nine Articles at Oxford and Cambridge. It was, however, embarrassing for a Tractarian to have to insist on the articles, which were seen as the protestant title deeds of the established church, as the means of protecting the Anglican, and indeed religious, character of the university. Hampden had been appointed in 1832 to one of the vacant Oriel tutorships after the enforced resignation of Newman and his colleagues; then in March 1834 he had been elected to the chair of moral philosophy, for which Newman had also applied, not with any enthusiasm but because he thought the position might help the Tractarian cause. Much more serious was the appointment of Hampden in February 1836 as regius professor of divinity. A few days later Newman brought out a pamphlet, Elucidations of Dr Hampden's Theological Statements, attacking Hampden's liberal theology.

As vicar of St Mary's, Newman was in a position to put Tractarian principles into practice: he had begun daily morning prayer in church in 1834, as well as an evening service once a week, and after Easter 1837 he began an early communion service on Sundays. He had privately been using the Roman breviary for more than a year, having chosen Hurrell Froude's own copy from his books as a memento of his beloved friend, who had died after a long illness in 1836. Froude's papers were entrusted to Newman and Keble, and it was decided to begin by publishing his ‘Private thoughts’, which, Newman thought, revealed the kind of heroic saintly figure that the movement needed for a model, although he was afraid that the details of Froude's fasting and the very un-evangelical nature of his religious journal would increase the fear that the Tractarians were really crypto-papists.

Newman's second major attempt to establish an Anglican via media came with his Lectures on Justification, delivered in 1837 and published in 1838. He wanted to show that both the protestant theory of justification by faith alone and the Roman Catholic doctrine of justification by works were incomplete truths. The way through this apparently impassable Reformation controversy lay, for Newman, in the Johannine and Pauline doctrine of the indwelling of the Holy Spirit, who both justifies and sanctifies. Newman has been criticized for misrepresenting Luther, who was ostensibly his chief target, but the lectures remained a formidable indictment of popular evangelicalism, with its preoccupation with conversion and faith. Polemical as it was, the book—considered by some to be Newman's most brilliant theological work—was certainly a pioneering model of ecumenical theology in its resolution of a historic controversy by changing the terms of reference and setting the problem in a wholly new perspective.

In the summer term of 1838 Newman gave another series of lectures in the Adam de Brome Chapel at St Mary's entitled ‘Lectures on the scripture proof of the doctrines of the church’, most of which were published as Tract 85. The Anglican or via media position was that the creed is to be found not on the face of, or literally in, scripture, as protestant evangelicals claimed, but implicitly in it. This contrasted with the Roman Catholic view that tradition provides another source of revelation. The only other possibility was the liberal protestant denial that Christianity has an objectively ascertainable creed or doctrine. The lectures contain some of Newman's most brilliant biblical criticism, particularly in regard to the literary form of scripture.

As Newman had feared, the publication of the first two volumes of Froude's Remains in February 1838 had caused a stir, and even some alarm, among the less adventurous of the Tractarian supporters. As a result, a project to translate the Roman breviary, in which he was involved, was dropped. Meanwhile, opponents of the Tractarians decided to launch an appeal for the erection of a monument in Oxford to the protestant martyrs Cranmer, Ridley, and Latimer, as a kind of test of the loyalty of Newman and others to the Church of England. Newman, who refused to acknowledge them as representative of Anglicanism, had no intention of subscribing. In spite of, or because of, all the controversy and criticism, Newman had never felt more confident about the Tractarian cause. The Tracts had become best-sellers. He himself had taken on the editorship of the British Critic in January 1838, with the idea of its becoming the organ of the Tractarians. There, in the spring of 1839, at what he was to recall as the high point of the movement, he published an article, ‘The state of religious parties’. After asserting that the Oxford Movement should be seen as part of the Romantic movement (in which Newman's favourite novelist Walter Scott was especially singled out) or a larger spiritual awakening after the rationalism of the eighteenth century, he argued that while liberalism was too cold to appeal and evangelicalism too inconsistent and unreal to convince, there existed an alternative to unbelief on the one hand and Roman Catholicism on the other, namely the via media of Anglo-Catholicism.

Doubts about the Church of England and Tract 90

It was only three or four months later, in the summer vacation of 1839, that the first real doubt about the Anglican position assailed Newman. He had returned to his study of the early church and was rereading the history of the Monophysite heresy, when quite suddenly he was struck by the way in which at the Council of Chalcedon the pope had upheld the Catholic orthodox faith while the heretics had divided into an extreme and a more moderate party. What impressed him was the similarity to the current situation, with Rome on one side, protestantism on the other, and Anglicanism in the middle. Then in September his attention was drawn by a friend to an article in the Dublin Review by Nicholas Wiseman, the rector of the English College in Rome, on the Donatist schism in the African church, but with special reference to the Anglican claim. He was struck forcefully by the maxim of St Augustine quoted in the article: ‘Securus judicat orbis terrarum’ (‘the verdict of the whole world is conclusive’). The principle that ‘the deliberate judgment, in which the whole Church at length rests and acquiesces, is an infallible prescription and a final sentence against such portions of it as protest and secede’ (Newman, Apologia, 117) not only seemed to offer the key to understanding the whole course of ecclesiastical history but also to destroy the theory of the via media. The excitement of the moment passed away, but Newman's confidence in the notion of an Anglican via media was gone for ever. However, his objection to the doctrinal accretions of Rome remained, as well as his deep-seated antipathy to popery dating back to his evangelical conversion, which still had a strong emotional, although no longer intellectual, hold on him.

In February 1841 Newman wrote his first sustained work of satire, a series of letters to The Times entitled ‘The Tamworth reading room’, a riposte to a speech by Sir Robert Peel on the replacement of religion by education and knowledge as the moral basis of a new pluralist society. In his bitingly sarcastic defence of faith as the foundation of individual and social morality, Newman anticipated some of the central themes of his later educational and philosophical writings.

Since 1839 Newman had been worried not only about his own belief in Anglicanism but also about the difficulty of preventing younger Tractarians from leaving a church in which the devotions and externals of a more developed Anglo-Catholicism had not yet come into being for the Church of Rome, which offered what they saw as the fullness of both Catholic doctrine and devotion. The crucial problem posed by the apparently protestant Thirty-Nine Articles led to Newman's publishing his highly contentious Tract 90 on 27 February 1841 which demonstrated, sometimes with what were considered by some to be intellectual sleights of hand, how the articles of the Anglican church were ‘patient of a Catholic interpretation’. He argued, some protestants believed disingenuously, that the articles were not intended to exclude those Anglicans of Catholic sympathies but to protest against the errors of so-called popery. On 16 March the vice-chancellor, heads of colleges, and proctors issued a public censure—only a few hours before Newman's A Letter Addressed to the Rev R. W. Jelf appeared in his defence. In it he condemned the popular religion of popery, while at the same time comparing it to the kind of popular protestantism that existed in what he argued was the essentially Catholic Church of England. However, he agreed to a demand by his bishop, Richard Bagot, bishop of Oxford, that no further Tracts should be published.

In the summer vacation of 1841, as in 1839, Newman put aside controversy to return to his patristic studies, and again was assailed by doubts about the Anglican position. This time it was the Arian heresy—he was busy translating St Athanasius for the Library of the Fathers, a project he and Pusey had begun planning in 1836—which presented a disturbing parallel to the contemporary situation. Again, there were the same divisions: the extreme Arians, the semi-Arians, and Rome; again the truth lay not with the via media but with Rome. This was the first of the three blows that, Newman was later to say, finally broke him. The second was the series of condemnations of Tract 90 that the bishops began issuing. The third was the agreement, which became law in 1841, between the Prussian and English governments to set up a bishopric in Jerusalem that would alternate between an Anglican and a Lutheran or Calvinist; politically it would give protestantism a position in the Holy Land, but ecclesiologically it was anathema to the Tractarians. Newman's only defence of the Church of England now was that it still had the apostolic succession and the creed, as well as the ecclesiological note of holiness.

The development of doctrine

Newman's parish of St Mary's included the village of Littlemore, 2 miles outside Oxford, where Newman had had a church—also St Mary's—built in 1836. In February 1842 he moved out to a row of cottages nearby which he had leased. Not only did he want to get away from controversy in Oxford but since 1840 he had been seriously thinking of trying to found some kind of monastic or religious community, if only because he felt that the lack of religious life in the Church of England would drive the younger, more advanced Tractarians into the arms of Rome. His own objections to Rome were somewhat shaken at the end of 1842, when Charles Russell, a professor at the seminary in Maynooth, sent him an English translation of some unexceptionable sermons by the Neapolitan St Alphonsus Liguori, where, if anywhere, one might have expected to find the kind of extreme Mariolatry that was assumed to be part of the popular Catholicism or popery that Newman had denounced. He did find that some passages on the Virgin Mary had been omitted as unsuitable for English-speaking readers, but this seemed to show that there was a devotional pluralism in the Roman church. In December 1842 he sent a retraction of his more extreme anti-Roman statements to an Oxford newspaper.

On 2 February 1843 Newman preached the last of his Oxford University sermons (published under that title in the same month), ‘The theory of developments in religious doctrine’. His argument that the apostolic church had an implicit if not an explicit knowledge of later doctrinal formulations relied upon key ideas he had worked out in the six sermons on the relation between faith and reason which he had preached between 1839 and 1841. Newman defined faith as the kind of implicit rather than explicit reasoning which depends not on evidences but on ‘antecedent probabilities’ or presumptions, which in the case of religion would be determined by one's moral dispositions. The originality of these sermons lay in their refusal to assume the Enlightenment's opposition of faith and reason and to abandon (like Schleiermacher) religion's claim to truth by conceding to science all factual knowledge and claiming for religious statements emotional, imaginative, and existential significance. Instead, Newman defined faith in terms of a wider concept of reasoning than had been current since the seventeenth century. The epistemology of these sermons, the most seminal of his writings, contained the seeds of his later educational and philosophical thought.

Early in September 1843 Newman resigned as vicar of St Mary's, believing that he no longer had the confidence of the bishops and feeling less and less confident himself about his own position in the Church of England. On the 25th he preached at Littlemore his last sermon as an Anglican, ‘The parting of friends’, taking as his text the same verse of the Psalms which he had taken for the first sermon he ever wrote: ‘Man goes forth to his work and to his labour until the evening.’

Not only was Newman's own position becoming more and more untenable, but the movement itself seemed to have a momentum which led irresistibly towards Rome. In December 1843 Newman decided to discontinue the series of lives of the English saints which he had begun editing, as it was impossible to write sympathetically about pre-Reformation saints without betraying a sympathy for things Roman Catholic. His conviction that the Church of England was in schism was now greater than his belief that certain Roman Catholic dogmas were not true developments of the original revelation. In the course of 1844 he revealed to friends that he was on the verge of joining the Roman Catholic church; holding the convictions that he did, he now needed only to be certain that he was not under some delusion. At the end of 1844 he resolved to write a book on the question of doctrinal development, and to seek admission to the Roman Catholic church if the writing of the book did not alter his opinions. In February 1845 the heads of the Oxford colleges voted to permit convocation to vote on a censure of Tract 90. When convocation met on 13 February, W. G. Ward's Ideal of a Christian Church was censured and Ward was stripped of his degrees. Only the intervention of R. W. Church, the senior proctor, prevented, by a procedural device, a vote on Newman.

The Essay on Development and reception into the Catholic church

Newman began to send instalments of the Essay on the Development of Christian Doctrine to the printers in late September 1845. It was never properly completed (though it was published that year), as the author had decided to become a Roman Catholic on the strength of the argument already advanced and felt there was no more to be said. His thesis was that since a living idea is necessarily a developing idea, and development brings out rather than